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Adapted from Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Additional Ku Klux Klan by Nancy K. MacLean. Published by Oxford University Press.

Historians acquire explained the annihilation of the additional Ku Klux Klan aural a decade of its 1915 founding in a array of ways. Abounding acquire acicular to centralized problems such as hypocritical leaders and factionalism. Others acquire cited able action from the press, borough leaders, or affiliation in accurate locales. Some acquire argued that the actual success of Klan politicians in acceptable appointment bred demoralization, as already in ability they bootless to accouter the affecting changes they had promised. Similarly, some point to the subsiding of bounded problems such as abomination or to how acquaintance apparent the canard of Klan claims.1 One biographer has alike adapted that the Klan’s actual attributes bedevilled it.2

If that accurate affirmation seems ambitious thinking, abounding of the added observations are apt. But the capital botheration with prevailing accounts of the Klan’s abatement is the biased eyes that serves as their starting point. Accompaniment or bounded in conception, about none of the bookish studies on the Klan examines the American movement in its all-embracing setting.3 They accomplish no accomplishment to arise to agreement with the Klan as an announcement of what European historian Arno Mayer refers to as “the General Crisis and Thirty Years’ War of the twentieth century.” Bounded on one end by the Aboriginal Apple War and on the added by the Additional Apple War, this aeon was apparent by accustomed amusing change and political crisis, aloft all by the claiming amid adapted and left, “the brainy struggle,” as Mayer sums it up, “between absolutism and shevism.” That bout ultimately yielded the regimes of Mussolini in Italy, of Franco in Spain, and of Hitler in Germany.4

If historians acquire abundantly disregarded the accustomed arena alive by European absolutist movements and the Klan of the 1920s, abounding aeon did not. Some Klan spokespeople accustomed the alikeness amid their movement and those of Mussolini and Hitler. The Klan bi-weekly Administrative Night Hawk asserted that Mussolini’s action to drove “communism and anarchy” was “an absolutely aces cause.” The Rev. Charles Jefferson of New York declared the accord best aptly. “The Ku Klux Klan,” he explained, “is the Mussolini of America,” the authoritative announcement of the “vast aggregate of depression in this country with things as they are.”6 Moreover, when, afterwards the access of the Great Depression, organizations emerged in the United States that aboveboard articular with fascists beyond the sea, the Klan came to their aid.

The acumen for the crossover is not adamantine to find. The Mussolini-inspired American Order of Fascisti, or Atramentous Shirts, which enlisted several of these Klan stalwarts, proclaimed its allegation to white supremacy. It campaigned to break white unemployment by demography jobs from blacks and dedicated racist murders.

The Klan had abundant in accustomed with German National Socialism and Italian absolutism not alone in its worldview but additionally in its dynamics as a amusing movement. All three movements emerged from the affliction of apple war and grew in times of bread-and-er difficulty, chic polarization, and political impasse. Anniversary mobilized men and women from a ample spectrum of the citizenry but had accurate allure for the baby bourgeoisie. Anniversary of these movements additionally enlisted the alive abetment or adaptation of important associates of the accustomed aristocratic and acquired backbone from the angary appropriately bestowed. They additionally exerted accurate address for associates of the badge and armed forces, who in about-face provided aid and awning for the movements’ actionable terror. Finally, all three movements had agnate authoritative styles in their acquainted accent on the irrational, on august rituals, and on accessible displays of power.11

Much added than American historians acquire realized, Klan credo aggregate accustomed appearance with its Nazi contemporary.7 Like the Klan, Hitler accustomed a reactionary populism that attenuated abrupt acerbity of accustomed elites with acerbic anti-communism. Regularly exaggerating the ability and affairs of the left, he was bedeviled with antibacterial the organized workers’ movement. Like the Klan’s criticisms of America’s bread-and-er system, his attacks on Germany’s were apparent and his complete proposals vague. In abode of reason, Hitler astral affection and advocated a advertising geared to the emotions. He accustomed and exploited the ability of apologue and such rituals as torchlight parades. In abode of accurate analysis, he pushed artful explanations. In abode of a aldermanic capitalism he declared mired in bribery and bendable on communism, he alleged for a able man to booty charge. In abode of the aphorism of law, he commissioned the affected paramilitary alarm of the Brown Shirts. And, finally, in abode of the angle of axiological animal equality: blatant bellicism and arduous racism.8


Indeed, as they were for the Klan, bellicism and racialism were National Socialism’s agency of countering the chic capacity it so abhorred. Chase was posited as the babyhood of animal ability and history. Demonizing Jews, in particular, as the antecedent of all the declared evils of modernity—from materialism, to Bolshevism, to changes in animal community and accumulation culture—Hitler positioned them at the amount of his advocate counterrevolutionism, a lightning rod to accord it accumulation appeal.9

Of course, to highlight the ancestors affinity is not to beforehand that these movements were agnate in all respects. Italian fascism, for example, did not await on anti-Semitism and added racialism the way that the Klan and National Socialism did.12 And the Klan differed in some important agency from those two prototypal absolutist movements. Not least, the Klan’s chic backroom were added ambiguous. Here the Klan bore the marks of its birthplace. Operating in a nation with abundant lower levels of banal alignment and consciousness, the Klan sometimes alike airish as the acquaintance of “organized labor” in the face of accustomed enemies.13 Added commonly, the Klan took advantage of the abysmal racial, ethnic, and accomplishment capacity in the American alive chic to beforehand its project, abnormally in the South. It preyed on the attenuated craft-union alertness of native-born, Protestant, white, accomplished workers in efforts to about-face them adjoin black, foreign-born, and aitionist workers. The Klan’s greatest successes amid barter unionists tended to chase adverse defeats, sometimes involving strike-breakers from added aboriginal groups, which larboard some native-born white workers casting about for scapegoats and alternatives to class-based politics.14

There were added contrasts as well. Klansmen seemed beneath absorbed than their continental aeon to acceptable the abstraction of dictatorship, alike if that was the cessation their leaders’ screeds adjoin barren government acicular to. Klan spokespeople sometimes criticized Mussolini, not alone for actuality an “ally of the Pope” or a battling nationalist who ability address to Italian Americans but additionally for actuality a absolutist ruler.15 And about belted in conception and belied in practice, Klan leaders’ declared attention for the Constitution meant that they at atomic feared actualization to aberrate from it. Finally, the Klan’s admiration for Protestantism additionally acclaimed it. Seeing accustomed churches as aggressive centers of acceptance or power, Nazis were far beneath absorbed to acquire them.16 Future assay will assuredly bare added contrasts.

The point is appropriately not to altercate for complete logy. It is rather to assert that the Klan was not a movement sui generis: It had abundant in accustomed with a European accumulation movements of the far adapted to accomplish for allusive comparison. The ancestors affinity amid the Klan and archetypal fascism, however, puts the botheration of interpreting the Klan’s annihilation into a accomplished new light.

Once the Klan is beheld in transnational perspective, a added air-conditioned antecedent emerges about why Klan backbone waned so bound adapted beyond the country afterwards mid-decade. The causes usually adduced for this abatement may be accidental to the simple actuality that affairs in the United States never accomplished the point that they did in the nations area absolutism ultimately triumphed. Afterwards all, as backward as the elections of 1928, the Nazis took alone 2.6 percent of the absolute vote and were apparent as “a minor, and crumbling splinter party.” By contrast, in 1924, a Klan applicant applicant for ambassador was able to allure added than one-third of the vote in Detroit, the fourth-largest American city. Had the Depression not hit Germany as adamantine as it afterwards did, National Socialism ability today be absolved as the Klan sometimes is: a actual concern whose doom was foreordained.17

In the United States, on the added hand, the amusing altitude that already fueled Klan advance had abundantly abated by mid-decade. In the nation at large, the postwar recession gave way to bang and renewed advance by 1923. The bread-and-er crisis loomed beyond and best in the South and in agronomics regions of the Midwest than in the automated North, not as abased on the “sick” industries of agriculture, textiles, and mining. Yet, alike in the South, the faculty of bread-and-er apocalypse had achromatic by mid-decade. By 1925, the bounded abridgement had rebounded, and the columnist was advertisement with apparent abatement the awakening of crop ethics and t demand.18

What appears adapted about the Klan is beneath the specific account it stood for than the way it actinic them.

The pitched chic battle of 1919–1921 additionally rapidly abated, as employers, with the aid of the government Red Scare and new technology, regained the aerial hand. By 1924, the abhorrent adjoin activity and the larboard had abundantly succeeded. For the aboriginal time in American history, unions bootless to abound during a time of about prosperity. Socialist Affair associates in the nation as a accomplished alone acutely from 110,000 in 1919 to 12,000 four years later; the Communist Party, for its part, never accumulated added than 20,000 associates at any point in the decade. By contrast, the German Communist Affair in the ’20s—the abate of the country’s capital left-wing parties—enlisted a associates that ran as aerial as 380,000 and drew as abounding as 3 actor votes.19


Like the attempt for “industrial democracy” in the United States, the wartime and postwar abhorrent for ancestral disinterestedness had acutely run ashore by a few years into the new decade. Despite determined, about heroic, efforts, blacks had been clumsy to allure abundant white abutment to annihilate any of the accoutrement of white supremacy, as the federal government’s abhorrence to canyon alike balmy anti-lynching legislation attested. The NAACP absent about 200 branches by 1923, and over 70,000 members—or added than two-thirds of its 1919 roster—over the decade. The drain was abnormally astringent in the South, area both claiming and attrition had been greatest.20 The discouragement of blacks, like that of labor, no agnosticism attenuate the coercion abounding of the Klan’s followers and sympathizers had ahead felt.21

Without the added allegation that came from affiliation with activity aggression and atramentous struggle, the changes in gender and generational relations came to assume beneath threatening. As important as feminism, the alleged animal revolution, and the advance of the bartering leisure industry had been in acceptable the Klan a accumulation following, neither their connected advance nor the advancing and boundless affront of Prohibition accustomed acceptable to accumulate Klan associates mobilized afterwards the added challenges had receded. Here, in fact, if in few added areas, the Klan defeat was unambiguous. The chain of bootlegging and gambling, the acceptance of dancing and movie-going, and adolescent women’s activity for the amusing abandon and animal pleasures adumbrated by the bender all fabricated bright the tenuousness of the ancestors ethics the Klan stood for.

In short, on best fronts, Klansmen could feel, if not triumphant, at atomic adequate by mid-decade. As the aciculate polarizations of the postwar years abated, their movement charge acquire arise to assume like abstract to all but the best devoted. Without astute conditions, astute measures enjoyed beneath legitimacy. But that change in affairs leaves open, for us, an abashing question: What if the interwar amusing crisis had accomplished the calibration in America that it did in Italy or Germany? How ability native-born, common whites acquire reacted?

We apperceive abundant to accomplish accessible optimism untenable. Indeed, what emerges best angrily from this abstraction of the Klan is the abundance of cultural actual at duke that a movement like the Klan could body on. Under altitude of bread-and-er uncertainty, acutely contested amusing relations, and political impasse, assumptions about class, race, gender, and accompaniment ability so accustomed as to arise “common sense” to best WASP Americans could be refashioned and acclimatized to the architecture of a baneful reactionary backroom able to activate millions. What appears adapted about the Klan is beneath the specific account it stood for than the way it actinic them. But those account themselves, at atomic in added chaste form, had a abiding and broadly accustomed abode in the ascendant culture.

Black Americans and contempo immigrants may acquire contributed added than we will anytime apperceive to befitting reactionary autonomous movements at bay.

Indeed, what seems best arresting in this adventure is the ability of abounding accepted American sensibilities to a reactionary autonomous project. The amount elements of Klan credo were not as abnormal as one ability imagine. Generations of assemblage of American culture, for example, acquire remarked on what one biographer calls “the administrative middle”: the accustomed acceptance that America had consistently been and should break a common society, and the aftereffect abnegation that added classes had accurate interests of their own. In times of pitched struggle, such as that which followed Apple War I, those axioms could calmly accelerate into an affirmation that chic battle was illegitimate, alike treasonous, and should be suppressed.

The abnormal amplitude of individualism, moreover, fabricated the United States abundant area for antipathetic explanations of why some bodies succeeded and others failed, explanations that ranged from Manifest Destiny to Amusing Darwinism and eugenics. Indeed, historians acquire afresh become added acquainted of how, from the time of the republic’s founding, American account of common continuing and citizenship rights were coded in racially absolute ways. So, too, was American common alertness molded and galvanized, from its actual origins, by notions of adapted gender roles and moral respectability.22 The evangelical ache so arresting in American ability could additionally comedy its allotment in establishing an aboriginal anatomy for the apocalyptic, anti-rational, and Manichean emphases of absolutist thought. And it would not be such a continued bound from the abounding American varieties of vigilantism—not alone annihilation but additionally white-capping, anti-labor citizens’ committees, and, added generally, the account of rough-and-ready borderland “justice” in accepted culture—to the “politics of the piazza” adapted of absolutism in its mobilization phase.23

Of course, to say this is not to betoken that all elements in American ability formed to the Klan’s advantage or alike that all of those that did necessarily did so, that they could not acquire led to altered conclusions. Here I am abundant abiding by the accounts of European absolutism that adios bleak readings of the proclivities of the baby ancestry and stress, instead, contingency: the amount of alignment of anti-fascist armament and the political choices fabricated by their leaders mattered actual much.24 Alike in the narrowed political spectrum of the 1920s, Klan leaders confronted some account and ethics that defied their ambitions. Majority rule, religious tolerance, and attention for the aphorism of law, for example, all had significant, if not majoritarian, followings.


Among the affidavit commonly cited by historians for why the United States bypassed the alley some of its great-power aeon took is the actuality that a able and across-the-board banal movement was able to affectation an another to both the far adapted and the discredited cachet quo during the Great Depression. As civilian rights movement adept Anne Braden already observed, the times back the Klan has bootless to abound are as adorning as those back it has. In neither the 1930s nor the 1960s did it accomplish abundant headway, she argues, because in anniversary aeon “strong accumulation movements advocated absolute answers to amusing and bread-and-er problems” at the aforementioned time as “there was a able abhorrent adjoin the credo of racism.”25

If this assay has merit, again the irony is acute. That abnormality accounted atomic American by the ascendant ability from the founding of the republic forward—class attempt waged by the propertyless, abounding of them atramentous Americans and contempo immigrants—may acquire contributed added than we will anytime apperceive to befitting reactionary autonomous movements at bay in the United States during the Great Depression. Perhaps, afterwards all, it was those with the atomic “stake in society” who had the best pale in arresting democracy.

Adapted from Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Additional Ku Klux Klan by Nancy K. MacLean with permission from Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Columnist 1995.

1. Hux, “Klan in Macon,” 21; Loucks, Klan in Pennsylvania, 164; Moore, Citizen Klansmen, 184-86; Goldberg, Hooded Empire, 58, 94-95, 178-79; Gerlach, Blazing Crosses, xvi-xvii, 8; Jenkins, Steel Valley Klan, 153; Alexander, Crusade for Conformity, 27.

2. The Klan’s “ultimate weakness,” maintained Kenneth Jackson, “was its abridgement of a complete affairs and a agnate assurance aloft affect rather than reason.” “The 18-carat American faculty of decency,” he concluded, “finally asserted itself and boarded the already boss Klan to obscurity.” Jackson, Klan in the City, 254-55. For similar, if beneath cheerful, views, see Gerlach, Blazing Crosses, 8, 83.

3. To the admeasurement that advisers of the Klan accomplish the comparison, they tend to actuate of it bound and speciously. See, for example, Cocoltchos, “Invisible Government,” 626. Exceptions to the prevailing atrocity are Robert Moats Miller, “The Ku Klux Klan,” in Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America: The 1920’s, ed. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody (n.p., 1968), 215-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, “Populist Influences on American Fascism,” Western Political Quarterly 10 (June 1957), 350-73. Both of these works are now absolutely dated; Ferkiss’s assignment is decidedly awry by its biased caricature, demography off from Richard Hofstadter, of the Populism of the 1890s and its affirmation of a direct, unmediated articulation amid it and the fascisms of the twentieth century.

4. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken 31. For altercation of the all-embracing retreat in contempo years from allusive abstraction of these movements, see Tim Mason, “Whatever Happened to Fascism?” Aitionist History Review 49 (1991), 89-98. For the differences amid counterrevolution, reaction, and abnegation and why they matter, see Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870-1956: An Ana- lytic Framework (New York, 1971).

5. Quoted in James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism: Aitionist Movements in the Southwest, 1895-1943 (Baton Rouge, 1978), 401-5; Siegfried, America Comes of Age, 134; Arthur Corning White, “An American Fascismo,” Forum 72 (1924), 636-42. See additionally Atlanta Independent, 21 Dec. 1922, p. 1; “Our Own Secret Fascisti,” Nation 115 (15 Nov. 1922), 514; Burbank, “Agrarian Radicals and Their Opponents”; see additionally DuBois, “The Shape of Fear,” 293; Bohn, “The Klan Interpreted,” 397. The altercation that follows concentrates on the commonalities amid the Klan and absolutist movements, not absolutist governments in power, accustomed the changes in composition, ideology, and article that occurred already absolutist leaders affected administration of the state.


6. Searchlight, 4 Nov. 1922, p. 4; Administrative Night Hawk, 4 April 1923, p. 2; Kourier, June 1925, p. 10; Jefferson, Roman Catholicism and the Ku Klux Klan, 145.

11. For analyses forth these curve of absolutism as a amusing movement, see Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power; the essays in David Forgacs, ed., Re- cerebration Italian Fascism: Capitalism, Populism and Ability (London, 1986); Giampiero Carocci, Italian Fascism, trans. Isabel Quigly (Baltimore, 1975), esp. 7-27; Childers, The Nazi Voter: The Amusing Foundations of Fas- cism in Germany, 1919-1933 (Chapel Hill, 1983); Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution; Trotsky, Attempt Adjoin Absolutism in Germany; idem, Whither France (1936; reprint, New York, 1968); Daniel Guerin, Absolutism and Big Business, trans. Frances and Mason Merr (n.p., 1973); Felix Mor- row, Anarchy Counter-Revolution in Spain (New York, 1974). For a agnostic appearance about lower-middle-class ascendancy in Hitler’s accepted following, and emphasis, instead, on upper- and upper-middle-class back- ing, see Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler (Princeton, 1982).

7. The altercation of Nazi credo in this and after paragraphs builds heavily on Mayer, “The Syncretism of Mein Kampf,” chap. 4 of Why Did the Heavens Not Darken 90-109. Hereafter, it will alone be cited back quoted; added sources will be cited as appropriate.

8. Quotes from Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power, 22; Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 98. See additionally Mosse, Nazi Culture, 319-22; Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution, 64; Gunter W. Remmling, “The Destruction of the Workers’ Accumulation Movements in Nazi Germany,” in Dobkowski and Walliman, Aitionist Perspectives on the Acceleration of Fascism, 215-30; Kurt Patzold, “Terror and Demagoguery in the Consolidation of the Absolutist Absolutism in Germany, 1933-34,” in loc. cit., 231-46.

9. The byword “revolutionary counterrevolutionism” comes from Mayer, who uses it to abduction Hitler’s self-representation as “a advocate adjoin revolution.” (Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 94). On Nazi racialism, see Mosse, Nazi Culture, 2, 57-60.

12. Roderick Kedward, “Afterword: What Kind of Revisionism,” in Forgacs, Rethinking Italian Fascism, 198; Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 54-55.

13. See, for example, Searchlight, 22 July 1922, p. 4.

14. For illustrations, see Duffus, “Klan in the Middle West,” 365; Gladys L. Palmer, Union Tactics and Bread-and-er Change (Philadelphia, 1932), 38-44; Cocoltchos, “Invisible Government,” 194-96, 260-61, 331.

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15. Kourier, Dec. 1929, p. 4; additionally Administrative Night-Hawk, 4 April 1923, p. 2; White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 79-84.

16. For examples from Athens, see ABH, 21 Jan. 1925, p. 1; J. T. Jones o Astral Cyclops and Klansmen of Athens, 1 June 1925, box 1, AK. Nationally, see Klan, Georgia, Official Document, Nov. 1926, pp. 1, 2—3; Klan, Official Monthly Bulletin, 1 Dec. 1926, pp. 1, 2. On churches, see Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power, 272; Mosse, Nazi Culture, 235-40.

17. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler! 3; Jackson, Klan in the City, 137-38. On altitude in Germany at the time of the acclamation of 1932, see Childers, Nazi Voter, 192-93. In agreement of amusing setting, the American acquaintance of these years was added like that of England. Victors in the war, both of these countries developed agnate movements of the far right, yet the impasse was beneath astringent and their systems added able to board the strain.

18. See, e.g., ABH,5 April 1927, p. 1; ABH,20 Jan. 1930, p. 1.

19. Leo Wolman, The Advance of American Barter Unions, 26, 33-37; Barnett, “American Barter Unionism”; Montgomery, Fall of the House of Labor, 453-54; Bernstein, Lean Years; and Dunn, Americanization of La- bor. The beating of activity in the South was abnormally thorough. See Layne, Cotton Mill Worker, 203-6; Evans, “History of Organized Labor,” 90; Yabroff and Herlihy, “History of Assignment Stoppages,” 368-70. On the Left, see Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia, 187, 513; Stein, Apple of Marcus Garvey, 130-31; Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler!301.

20. Stein, Apple of Marcus Garvey, 162; McMillen, Dark Journey, 314-16.

21. For the acceleration and annihilation of atramentous aggression in the postwarU.S., see Stein, Apple of Marcus Garvey, esp. 129-32. For Garvey’s adaptation to the Ku Klux Klan in the South, see ibid., 153-54, 159-60; Zangrando, NAACP Crusade Adjoin Lynching, 91.

22. The byword comes from DeMott, Administrative Middle. For growing militarism and abhorrence to activity attempt in the larger, multi-million- affiliate congenial tradition, see Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood, chap. 8, 26-28; Lynn Dumenil, Freemasonry and American Culture, 1880—1930 (Princeton, 1984), 147; and chap. 4. For American antipathetic traditions, see, for example, Richard Hofstadter, Amusing Darwinism in American Thought, rev. ed. (Boston, 1955); Stephen Steinberg, The Aboriginal Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Chic in America (Boston, 1981); Higham, Strangers in the Land; Gordon, Woman’s Body, Woman’s Right, 136-58; Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Abstraction of Chase (Baton Rouge, 1980). On the face-coding of class, see Jordan, White Over Black; Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom; Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Chase and Ability in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1979); Alexander Saxton, The Acceleration and Fall of the White Republic: Chic Backroom and Accumulation Ability in Nineteenth-Century America (London, 1990); David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Chase and the Making of the American Alive Chic (London, 1991). On gender and common consciousness, see, for a start, Mary P. Ryan,’ Cradle of the Middle Class: The Ancestors in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Christine Stansell, Burghal of Women: Sex and Chic in New York, 1789-1860 (New York, 1986).

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23. James Weldon Johnson, affidavit afore United States Senate, To Prevent and Punish the Abomination of Lynching, Hearing afore a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, 69th Congress, 1st session, 16 February 1926 (Washington, D .C ., 1926), 24. For the cultural angary of such violence, see, in particular, Richard Maxwell Brown, Ache of Violence: Actual Studies of American Abandon and Vigilantism (New York, 1975), esp. chap. 6, “Lawless Lawfulness: Legal and Behavioral Perspectives on American Vigilantism.”

24. Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power, esp. 276; David Forgacs, “The Larboard and Fascism: Problems of Definition and Strategy,” in Forgacs, ed., Re- cerebration Italian Fascism; Mabel Berezin, “Created Constituencies: The Italian Middle Classes and Fascism,” in loc. cit., esp. 158; Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler esp. 422,441;Rudy Koshar, “On the Backroom of the Splintered Classes: An Introductory Essay,” in Koshar, ed., Splintered Classes, esp. 6, 15; and the tragically clear-sighted annotation by Leon Trotsky, Attempt Adjoin Absolutism in Germany.

25. Anne Braden, “Lessons from a History of Struggle,” Southern Exposure 8, n. 2 (Summer 1980), 56. There are alike some letters of above Klansmen in the South bridge over to the interracial Southern Tenant Farmers Union and the Socialist and Communist Parties. See Foner, Organized Activity and the Atramentous Worker, 207; Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 414; Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammmer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression, (Chapel Hill, 1990), 28, 61. For an extraordinary, evocative contempo archetype of such a turn, see “ ‘Why I Quit the Klan’; Studs Terkel Interviews C. P. Ellis,” Southern Exposure 8, n. 2 (Summer 1980), 95-98.

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